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Story - antoq - 11/03/2010 - 07:10 - 0 comments - 0 attachments
This New Partnership for Africa’s Development is a pledge by African leaders, based on a common vision and a firm and shared conviction, that they have a pressing duty to eradicate poverty and to place their countries, both individually and collectively, on a path of sustainable growth and development and, at the same time, to participate actively in the world economy and body politic. The Programme is anchored on the determination of Africans to extricate themselves and the continent from the malaise of underdevelopment and exclusion in a globalising world.
The poverty and backwardness of Africa stand in stark contrast to the prosperity of the developed world. The continued marginalisation of Africa from the globalisation process and the social exclusion of the vast majority of its peoples constitute a serious threat to global stability.
One of the most persistent characteristics of the geography of Britain is the wide inequality that exists between its constituent regions. It is an inequality which has come to be known as the North-South divide, but this is a gestural term that refers to a geography which has in fact varied in detail and in form over at least the last two centuries. In the present period, in spite of many stated intentions and much government rhetoric to the contrary, it has on many measures grown considerably worse. Our argument in this paper is that it will continue to do so unless there is a more serious engagement with the power dynamics that underlie this fundamentally unequal and undemocratic geography: dynamics that continue to return London and the South East as the centre of the nation. A reversal of this situation demands a good degree of radical thinking and political courage.
We want to begin the fight against the spatial assumptions of most current thinking about the British polity, assumptions that are so familiar that they are hardly debated at all. One assumption we want to fight against is that London is the fount of all things ‘political’. Lots of commentators have, of course, wanted to argue that the United Kingdom is rabidly London-centric. But these same commentators then demonstrate how mired they are in a certain way of thinking by simply replacing a state containing a powerful central space that does most of the politics with a whole series of clones: little states with their own centres and political goodies – and their own peripheries. Second, we want to fight against that other opposing point of view, the assumption that the solution to this state of affairs is local democracy. We do not believe that ‘local’ is automatically a good thing, not only because modern British society is now threaded through with all kinds of politics operating at all kinds of scales but also because not only can local politics be just as mean-spirited as any other kinds of political activity but also such localism makes much more difficult any attempt at serious redistribution between places. At worst, it can lead simply to inter-local competition. Third, as by now we hope is becoming clear, we want to fight against the idea that politics has to be territorially bounded. Rather, we are interested in spaces of relation in which all kinds of unlike things can knock up against each other in all kinds of ways.
While there has been considerable research empirically quantifying and simulating the role of borrowing constraints on homeownership rates, the primary focus of this work has been on measuring the relative importance of income and wealth constraints with respect to ownership outcomes. An important gap in the literature the role of credit quality has largely gone uninvestigated. Also missing from the literature is an assessment of recent trends; that is, of the degree to which the effects of borrowing constraints on homeownership may have changed over the past decade.
While micro-level household data on wealth and income are available for assessing income and wealth-based constraints to homeownership, lack of data on household credit ratings has precluded evaluation of credit quality as a potential barrier to homeownership. Thus, questions of the importance of credit quality as a borrowing constraint, both alone and interacting with other financial constraints, and the importance of omitting a credit quality measure from assessments of the significance of other borrowing constraints have not been examined.
