Johnston describes political corruption as “the abuse of public roles or resources for private benefit”. Definitions of the terms ‘abuse’, ‘public’, ‘private’ and ‘benefit’ are crucial when applying this definition to a country specific analysis of corruption but in Russia, rapid liberalisation means that the distinction between ‘public’ and ‘private’ is blurred. Difficulties identifying ‘abuse’ are hindering the development of effective anti-corruption strategies in Russia. Consequently, corruption has become a “universal condition of life” (Bocharov, 2001, p.38). However, this is seriously distorting Russia’s political, economic and social development. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, all of the Presidents of Russia have stated their commitment to combating corruption in the public sphere. However, neither Yeltsin nor Putin were able to make significant progress in this respect.
In 2008 President Medvedev revealed his National Anti-Corruption Plan as the first comprehensive and systematic response to corruption in Russia. This dissertation seeks to evaluate the potential for success of Medvedev’s Plan and to propose a number of measures for remedying its weaknesses. In order to do so, this dissertation will begin by explaining what is meant by ‘political corruption’ in Russia. It will be argued that weak institutions, poorly enforced regulations and a lack of civil involvement are sustaining weak understandings of public- and private- sector roles, and that this is facilitating corrupt activity throughout Russia’s official institutions. It will be asserted that, in order to clarify the boundaries between the public and private spheres, Russia needs to do five things: increase transparency and accountability in all levels of government; improve legislative sanctions against corrupt behaviour; establish incentives for good behaviour; facilitate a credible privatisation process; and strengthen civil society.
Since the enactment of ‘On Counteracting Corruption’ in January 2009, Medvedev has made a number of moves towards achieving these objectives. However, through an analysis of the failures of Yeltsin and Putin, this dissertation will highlight that Medvedev faces deep-seated public contempt for reform. Therefore, although Medvedev may possess the resources and political will to sustain his campaign, without civil society involvement and genuine competition in the financial sphere, Medvedev will fail to establish the normative shift in perceptions that is necessary for achieving his objectives. This dissertation will conclude with a number of measures aimed at remedying the weaknesses of Medvedev’s strategy, which may be taken as the basis for future reform.
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Political Corruption in Russia
