Ebook Weight Loss, Subculture Socialization, And Affective Meanings

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More than fifty years of sociological studies provide considerable evidence that deviant body weight affects individuals negatively, and women are especially judged harshly for violating cultural standards of weight (Allon 1982; Cahnman 1968; Goldblatt et al. 1965; Maddox et al. 1969; Puhl and Brownell 2001, 2003). Allon (1982) describes obesity as an enduring and debilitating stigma, and Puhl and Brownell (2001) argue that obese individuals are viewed as one of the last acceptable targets of denigration. Overweight or obese individuals experience discrimination and evoke rejection and negative affect in a multitude of arenas throughout the life course. They are rated lower on attractiveness, intelligence, job success, relationship success, happiness, and popularity than are normal-weight individuals, even by those who are overweight or obese themselves (Allon 1979, 1982; Carr & Friedman 2005; Crandall and Martinez 1994; Harris 1990; Hebl and Heatherton 1998; Hiller 1981; Puhl and Brownell 2001, 2003). They are perceived negatively by school peers from nursery school on (Cramer and Steinwert 1998; Halpern et al. 1999; Richardson et al. 1961; Staffieri 1967). Overweight and obese individuals experience discrimination throughout the work career (Allon 1982; Carr and Friedman 2005; Cawley 2004; Ferraro and Yu 1995; Haskins and Ransford 1999; Hebl and Mannix 2003; Loh 1993; Pagan and Alberto 1997; Puhl and Brownell 2001, 2003) as well as in the health care arena (Allon 1979; Carr and Friedman 2005; Ferraro and Holland 2002; Maddox et al. 1968; Puhl and Brownell 2001; Young and Powell 1985), with the latter complicating efforts to address health problems associated with increased weight.

Weight-related stigma is not a recent phenomenon. Stunkard and colleagues (1998) trace weight-related stigma to the thirteenth century in Asia and the third century in Europe. The increase in the intensity of weight-related stigma, however, is a recent phenomenon and has been particularly evident in the United States over the last 100 years (Allon 1982; Stearns 1997). Simultaneously, the prevalence of overweight and obese individuals also continues to climb in the U.S. The prevalence of individuals who are overweight or obese has increased from 44% in 1960 to 64% in 2000 (Flegal et al. 1998; Flegal et al. 2002), leading researchers to suggest that the U.S. is presently experiencing an “obesity crisis” (Brownell and Battle Hogue 2003).

In addition to evidence showing the stigma of overweight or obese individuals, research about body weight includes descriptions of the medicalization of obesity (Chang and Christakis 2002) and medical studies identifying associations between overweight or obese individuals and multiple health problems (Drenick et al. 1980; Ferraro and Kelley-Moore 2003; Hayes and Ross 1986; Himes 2000; Kissebah et al. 1989; Kuczmarski 1992; Pi-Sunyer 1993; Simopoulos and Van Itallie 1984; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2008). Researchers and social theorists also note that the weight loss industry reports annual sales of approximately 33 billion dollars (Austin 1999; Blaine and McElroy 2002; Hesse-Biber 1996; Miller et al. 1997; Serdula et al. 1993).

More than 40 percent of American women and 25 percent of American men are currently trying to lose weight (Granberg 2006). At any given time, approximately sixty-five million Americans are dieting and choosing to use any one of the more than seventeen thousand different weight loss plans available (Hesse-Biber 1996), supporting Granberg’s (2006) conclusion that diet is indeed a frequent and common type of intentional self-change. Along with dieting, individuals trying to lose weight often become members of weight loss and fitness programs and centers, self-help groups, and Internet websites where they are encouraged to make behavioral changes, as well as attitude changes about weight-related concepts (e.g., how they feel about themselves and their bodies and how they view different types of foods and physical activity) (Stinson 2001).

Yet, the reality is that the vast majority of weight losers not only regain lost weight, but regain even more than they lost (Elfhag and Rossner 2004; Mann et al. 2007; Phelan et al. 2003). Studies show that less than 20% of U.S. adults are able to maintain intentional weight loss for even one year (Byrne 2002; Elfhag and Rossner 2004; Jeffery et al. 2000; Miller et al. 1997; Ross 1994; Sarlio-Lahteenkorva et al. 2000; Wadden and Frey 1997; Westenhoefer 2001; Westover and Lanyon 1990; Wing and Hill 2001).

Overweight and obese individuals experience negative social and personal consequences. And the self-change of weight loss and maintenance is a complex task to accomplish and may add even further distress to experiences of being overweight and obese (Hayes and Ross 1986), but some individuals do succeed. Granberg (2006) describes how weight loss maintainers negotiate the gap between their unmet expectations and actual outcomes by changing how they view themselves, their bodies, and others’ bodies. This suggests that the weight loss maintenance process is associated with changes in the meanings individuals associate with themselves and others.

Weight loss and maintenance is an intentional self-change. Kiecolt (1994:50) defines intentional self-change as “a form of self-affirmation, an ‘effort to construct a particular kind of self’.” Intentional self-change is deliberately changing a part of self-conception and may include a change in self-image and in one’s appearance or body. During intentional self-change, individuals self-consciously strive to move toward their ideal and may use images of their hoped-for possible selves and feared possible selves to motivate themselves to change (Kiecolt 1994; Markus and Nurius 1987). Kiecolt proposes that intentional self-change is permanent change that matters to one’s self and others and that involves a conscious, determinated effort that extends to altering thinking patterns as well as behavior. Perhaps changed thinking patterns (attitudes and beliefs) also include changing the meanings that individuals assign to self-change relevant behaviors, objects, and identities. For example, the intentional self-change of weight loss may include changing the meanings given to weight relevant behaviors (e.g., exercising, being physically active,eating healthy foods, not over-eating), weight-related identities (e.g., obese women, obese women, overweight women, and overweight men), and even to one’s self.

Despite numerous studies investigating behavior and weight loss (summarized, in part, by Brownell 1999; Byrne 2002; Dohm et al. 2001; Elfhag and Rossner 2004; Jeffery et al. 2000; Klem et al. 1997; Miller et al. 1997; Westenhoefer 2001; Westover and Lanyon 1990; Wing and Hill 2001) and investigating cognitive factors (e.g., self-efficacy, locus of control, and self-control) and weight loss (Clark et al. 1991; Dennis et al. 1996; Edell et al. 1987; Friedman and Brownell 1995; Kitsantas 2000; Miller and Downey 1999; Nir and Neumann 1995; Saltzer 1982; Williams et al. 1996), no studies examine the relationship between weight loss and the meanings given to weight-related behaviors, identities, and objects. Therefore, I investigate if the intentional self-change of weight loss is related to self-, identity-, and behavior-meanings. And since individuals trying to lose weight or maintain loss are frequently involved in the weight loss and fitness subculture, I also investigate if subculture involvement is associated with self-, identity-, and behavior-meanings. I use symbolic interactionist theories of socialization Heise 1966; Mead [1934]1962) and studies of subcultures (Britt and Heise 2000; Francis 1997; Heise 1979:100-102, Hunt 2008; King 2001; Smith-Lovin and Douglass 1992; Thomas and Heise, 1995; Thomassen 2002) to develop hypotheses about weight loss, subculture involvement, and meanings.

My dissertation is organized into seven chapters. In Chapter Two I describe the measure of meaning, review the literature, and advance hypotheses about identity-, behavior-, and self-meanings. In Chapter Three I present research methods, present the findings from a focus group I used to pilot my survey, show demographic information about the sample, and conclude by describing how I operationalize variables. In Chapters Four, Five, and Six I present an analysis plan and empirical findings about self-meanings (Chapter Four), behavior-meanings (Chapter Five), and identity-meanings (Chapter Six). I conclude each empirical chapter with a chapter summary. I use Chapter Seven to summarize the key findings of the study, discuss the study’s implications, and present limitations and possibilities for future research.

CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF FIGURES
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
1. Introduction
2. Literature Review

3. Methods

4. Findings I: Self-Meanings

5. Findings II: Behavior-Meanings

6. Findings III: Identity-Meanings

7. Discussion

APPENDIX A
APPENDIX B
APPENDIX C
APPENDIX D
APPENDIX E
APPENDIX F
APPENDIX G
APPENDIX H
APPENDIX I
REFERENCES

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